Wednesday, April 29, 2009

The Pukhtoons.

“Pukhtoons insist that being a “real Pukhtoon” demands that one not just speak Pukhto, but “do Pukhto,” that is, follow the precepts of the Pukhtoonwali”

The word Pukhtoon is sometimes believed to be abbreviated from a set of traits known to be associated with Pukhtoons as a people: “P” for Patt or Family Honor, “Kh” for Khaigara means Compassion, “T” Toora or Triumph, “W” for Wafa means loyalty and “N” for Nang or Pride

Traditionally settlers and nomads of the Hindukush and Kohi-Suleman ranges, Pukhtoons are now spread all over present day Afghanistan, some parts of Pakistan, and all over the Indian subcontinent. Many Pukhtoons reside in cities including Kabul, Jalalabad, Herat, Peshawar, and Quetta.

The Government of NWFP and Balochistan, which include the two provinces of Pakistan and the Central Government of Afghanistan, are represented by this creed of people called Pukhtoons, who have a state of mind different and distinctive in its own right.

Deeply committed to their non-religious and some times irreligious traditional practices, Pukhtoons are also naively dedicated to Islam. This contrast of their belief system and its actual practice is reiterated when religion is taken as a part of traditional values, rather than subjecting historical traditions to the scrutiny of Islamic teachings.

CULTURE OF PUKHTOONS

Distinctive tribal customs and traditions are an integral part of the Pukhtoon society. Pukhtoon cultural values are reflected in a code of ethics called simply Pukhto and Pukhtoonwali (the way of the Pukhtoon).

A combination of conventions, traditions, and a code of honor known as "Pukhtoonwali" govern the social system of Pukhtoons. Through this unwritten code, the basic thread of the Pukhtoons' social fabric, Pukhtoon societies around the region lead a diverse and yet dynamic way of life.

Any argument that doesn’t make sense in a particular situation can be conveniently challenged as non-Pukhto, thereby insisting that Pukhto, the culture of Pukhtoons is highly sensible and is equally sensitive to logic. The most common argument is that of holding onto old traditions, whether right or wrong. This flux between advancement under logic and restraint under fear exercises a great influence on the actions of Pukhtoons and has been held sacred by them for generations.

It is believed that Pukhtoonwali or the Pukhtoon code of honor embraces all the activities from the cradle to the grave. Besides many micro-social practices, the Pukhtoonwali imposes a few additional obligations upon the members of Pukhtoon society, which are explained in the following paragraphs.

Hujra

As old as perhaps the Jirga itself is, Hujra is a community club situated in each village, each Khail (street) and some times owned by a well off family but shared by the whole community. Other than a place to accommodate collective ceremonies, male members of the community who hang out and associate like a larger family regularly attend hujra(s). Members of a Hujra are mostly close relatives but other people from neighborhood are also welcomed. Elderly people spend their day to enjoy hubble-bubble and chat over the tea, younger men in their spare time listen to the stories of elders and raise issues while the children keep playing around, waiting for a call from one of the elders to take a message or bring fresh tea. A guest house for male guests, Hujra also serves as a place to initiate Jirgas. Issues are put on the table, brainstormed and a consensus is developed before the issue can be put to the wider community. Hujra is considered to be a secular place but closely associated with Hujra is the role of mosque in the neighborhood. Although there are few similarities between a mosque and a Hujra, the role of mosque has gained more importance recently due to many national and regional settings tilted towards Islamization. Additionally, the role of Hujra is diminishing from community life because of the economic trends, and a faster pace of life which allows little leisure time with people to spare for community based activities. Decay in the institution of Hujra is definitely affecting the efficacy of Jirga, but this study tends not necessarily to argue for reinvigoration of Hujra; rather our focus will remain to find strengths and challenges for Jirga from where it is today and move forward.

Nanawatay

Nanawatay means repentance over past hostility or inimical attitudes and the granting of asylum. Walking down to someone under Nanawatay means having an expression or attitude of submission—a combination of humility, sorrow, and apology—and giving space to the other person to respond with “grace”, so precious to Pukhto. A party or a person wanting to apologize to another does Nanawatay. Nanawatay is thus responded to through granting asylum. Asylum implies security from the wrath of others. An expression of Nanawatay would simply oblige the other party to put aside the anger and pain so suffered during an unpleasant interaction, at least temporarily, and treat the other party with all Pukhtoon sensibilities. This creates space for a peaceful dialogue, a medium of communication not available under strained relationships. It is not obligatory to agree to a pardon in all cases under a Nanawatay, however, in most cases, a Nanawatay would mean restoration of honor for both parties. Depending on how deeply the other person might be hurt, a Nanawatay once offered can be repeated through different methods in a particular case. Taking along a goat as a gift, laying down one’s headgear, handing over a weapon, taking one’s own women and children to the opposite party are all expressions of Nanawatay. Similarly, acknowledgement of Nanawatay by the receiving party is an element of the grace embodied within Pukhto. The party may demand a more public apology, a more appropriate respite, or a more suitable restitution, but a Nanawatay once done is duly counted towards fulfilling a major obligation of Pukhto and asylum is a natural outcome of such pro-activity.

Teega

Teega, defined as a truce, is declared by the parties or by the society and is represented by a Jirga in order to avoid further bloodshed between two rival factions. Symbolized with marking of a stone, Teega represents a ground rule and defines transition from violence to peaceful negotiations between the parties. It embodies the consent of the communities and is used as a reference for the resolution of future disputes. This is also used to establish the ground rules for conduct between two or more tribes, so it takes the shape of a treaty and is tagged with specific penalties for violation. For a public issue, like the banning of aerial firing on festivals, Teega can be announced unilaterally by the society. When it is announced for warring factions, Jirga has to consult the parties, recognize their differences, analyze the situation, and impose a ban on specific activities by the parties so that more sensible options are explored. Teega, a ban on further activities of the nature, ensures the security of the lives of the warring parties and is respected by the parties in their allegiance to the larger system of Pukhto. A Teega is extended where there remain difficulties unresolved between the parties during the first period of Teega. Violation of a Teega can result in imposition of a fine on the violating party and/ or allowing the other to resort to a fiercer offensive. It is also a socially condemnable phenomenon in which the violator party is charged for nonconfirmity to their words.

In some places specific names are given to such instruments of social control. Tarr and Bandarr are used for community-imposed restrictions to suit their collective environment.

Melmastiya

Openhearted hospitality, or Melmastiya, is one of the most cherished features of Pukhto. It is closely associated with the notion of asylum, as someone seeking hospitality is considered equal to someone invited by the host. Hospitality means not only the service of food and other needs, it also means automatic assurance of an environment of security and peace prevalent in the host’s household. There is quite some symbolism attached with the phenomenon of hospitality. When Pukhtoons are asked to name their social traits that distinguish them from other societies and cultures, hospitality takes number one. This level pride and its articulation leave little room for doubts on the intent of what Pukhtoons mean by Hospitality. Pukhtoon worldview in respect of hospitality also came to limelight when negotiations regarding handing over of Osama Bin Laden to US were going on between USA and Taliban government in Afghanistan. Afghanistan’s refusal to hand over Osama to the US is said to be attributed to the point that Osama was seen a guest whose handing over to US would speak negative on the identity of Afghans.

The trait of hospitality is guarded by Pukhtoons on two grounds. Firstly, it is strongly promoted by Islam. Secondly, it is argued that hospitality is a traditional and cultural etho. Most of our interviewees justified the institution of hospitality first on the historical basis and later took support of religion to substantiate their argument. Nevertheless, the sanctity associated with the phrase of hospitality is all encompassing.

Paighaur

Paighaur, or taunt, is yet another recognized perspective of Pukhtoon behavior. A sarcastic remark by peers can drive a person blindly to follow the tenants of Pukhtoonwali, leading to violence and bloodshed. Apprehension of possible Paighaur can generate internal social controls on people limiting their actions and forcing them to conform to the ethics of Pukhtoonwali. This also helps people maintain a character worthy of a good Pukhtoon. As such, a Paighaur can come from one’s own relative, like a father or mother, or even a friend, and the person receiving a Paighaur is not blamed much for the upcoming violence as a result of this instigation. Paighaur on a women or public talk about women can cause trouble for the proud Pukhtoon man.

Peace

One distinctive characteristic of Pukhtoonwali is the idea of peace and its propagation. As a virtue not only suggested by religion, Pukhtoonwali dictates its leadership to preach for peace under all circumstances. This ideal of peace leads the Jirga to gauge the corollaries of justice in an artistic way. Where enmity and revenge are the personal concerns of individuals and families; moving towards peace is the professional obligation of every elder under Pukhtoonwali. The Jirga is built on the rhetoric of peace and strives to always advance in the path of peace and peacebuilding. Due to the repeated and numerous examples of violent conflicts within Pukhtoon communities, Jirga has a sure case to plead for peace.

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